In a video published on social media Jan. 2, a representative of the new transitional government in Syria spoke with Bakhour Chamntoub, head of Damascus' small remnant Jewish community, promising "peace and security" and even calling on Syrian Jews abroad to return to the country. Said the representative, Mohammad Badarieh: "Good evening everyone... from the home of the head of the Jewish community in Damascus, Bakhour. Reassure us that you're alright." Replied Chamntoub: "Thank God, all is well."  Referring to Syrian Jews outside the country, Chamntoub acknowledged: "They don't believe there will be peace, and that they can return home." But, addressing the diaspora, he echoed the pledge of the transition government: "You will be safe, there will be peace and quiet, and God willing, you'll return, everyone to his house, to his neighborhood, and to his people..."

Three weeks after the fall of the Bashar Assad dictatorship, the only fighting in Syria remains between Arab and Kurdish militias—holding grim potential for destabilization of the democratic revolution. Kurds had been persecuted and even denied citizenship under the Assad regime, but the invasion of their autonomous territory of Rojava by the Turkish-backed rebels of the Syrian National Army (SNA) drove them into a paradoxical tactical alliance with the dictatorship. The tragic situation in Burma's Rakhine state mirrors this disturbing reality. The Muslim Rohingya people had been persecuted, denied citizenship and finally targeted in a campaign of genocide by the military, but are now facing attacks by the Buddhist-supremacist rebels of the Arakan Army—driving some Rohingya into a paradoxical tactical alliance with the military junta. In Episode 258 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg offers this comparison in the hope that the peoples of Burma can unite across religious lines to defeat the junta, and that Syrians can find a way toward co-existence in the new revolutionary order and avoid ethnic war. 

The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria (CoI) has called on the new authorities in Damascus to protect mass grave sites and relevant documentation. The statement released Dec. 20 comes after the CoI visited former prisons and detention centers in the country, including the notorious Sednaya prison and Military Intelligence Branch 235 facility. This was the first such visit since the conflict began in 2011.

One was wounded as Israeli troops opened fire on Syrian protesters Dec. 20 near the village of Maariyah, in southern Daraa province. Local residents gathered at a position the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) had established in the area, chanting "Free, free Syria; Israel get out!" One protester was shot in the leg. The IDF said its soldiers had fired in response to "a threat." The incident came after villagers said that the troops, stationed in an abandoned Syrian army outpost, were preventing local farmers from accessing their fields. Maariya is near the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights, but outside the demilitarized "buffer zone" established by a 1974 ceasefire agreement between Israel and Syria. (MEE, ToI) The news appears to confirm reports that IDF troops have advanced beyond the "buffer zone."

Amid jubilation following the overthrow of long-ruling dictator Bashar Assad, the only fighting in Syria is now between Arabs and Kurds—as the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA) expels the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) from the town of Manbij. Ankara's design is clearly to expunge the Kurdish autonomous zone in the northeast region of Rojava. Yet there are also positive signs of an accommodation between the Rojava Kurds and the new revolutionary administration in Damascus. In Episode 256 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg examines the new political landscape in Syria and tries to identify a way forward—past the threat of ethnic war and toward a multicultural democracy.

The US government unsealed an indictment Dec. 9 charging two former high-ranking officials of Syrian Air Force Intelligence with war crimes. The indictment accuses Jamil Hassan and Abdul Salam Mahmoud of cruel and inhuman treatment, including the torture of detainees, some of whom were US citizens, at the Mezzeh military airbase prison in Damascus. If convicted, the defendants each face a maximum sentence of life in prison.

The charges brought against Hassan and Mahmoud in the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois are based on 18 USC §§ 2441(a) and (d)(1)(B), which prohibit war crimes, including acts of torture and cruel treatment of detainees.

On Dec. 8, the same day the Assad regime fell and rebel forces took Damascus, the US military carried out a series of air-strikes against Islamic State positions across central Syria. The Pentagon's Central Command announced that it "struck over 75 targets using multiple US Air Force assets, including B-52s, F-15s, and A-10s." The targets included "ISIS leaders, operatives, and camps." (A&SF, LWJ)

As Syrian rebels advanced on Damascus in a surprise lightning offensive, the Rojava Kurds seized territory from the Bashar Assad regime, and the Druze took up arms in their own region. After years of the lines in the conflict being frozen and the genocidal Assad dictatorship being "normalized," on Dec. 8 the unthinkable happened and the dictator fled. Suddenly the 13-year aim of the Syrian Revolution has been realized—the fall of the regime. But the lead rebel faction, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), has an ugly past, its partner the Syrian National Army (SNA) is in the political orbit of Turkish aspiring dictator Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and the threat of Arab-Kurdish ethnic war in northern Syria looms closer. Amid a conflict now dominated by armed actors, can the unarmed civil resistance that began the revolution 13 years ago re-assert itself, and revive the secular-democratic spirit of 2011? In Episode 255 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg takes a hard look.