Students at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) renewed militant protests around economic issues as the school reopened on Jan. 11 following winter holidays. The actions had started in December in opposition to an $800 tuition surcharge for 2011; protest leaders said the increase would keep as many as 10,000 of the system's 65,000 students from attending the public university. The students called a 48-hour strike on Dec. 7-8, and an indefinite strike starting on Dec. 14, but the actions were only observed at six of the UPR's 11 campuses, in contrast to the 10 campuses shut down last spring, when students beat back major budget cutbacks with a two-month strike. (People's World, Jan. 10)

Honduran campesino leader Juan Ramón Chinchilla was safe and was staying in an undisclosed location on Jan. 11 after two days in captivity, according to the National Popular Resistance Front (FNRP), a coalition of labor and grassroots organizations. Chinchilla, a leader in the Unified Campesino Movement of the Aguán (MUCA), said a group of hooded men seized him on Jan. 8 on a road near La Concepción, Tocoa municipality, in the northern department of Colón. The kidnappers questioned him, beat him and burned his hair, Chinchilla said. Most of the men wore uniforms; some spoke English and one spoke a language Chinchilla couldn't understand. He escaped while the kidnappers were moving him to another location on the night of Jan. 9.

On the evening of Jan. 12 Honduras' National Congress passed reforms to Articles 5 and 213 of the 1982 Constitution that would open the way to changing key elements of the document—including the ban on presidential reelection—by popular referendum. The changes were proposed by the rightwing National Party (PN) of President Porfirio ("Pepe") Lobo Sosa and were backed by other parties, including the Liberal Party (PL) of former president José Manuel ("Mel") Zelaya Rosales (2006-2009); 103 of the 128 legislative deputies voted for the reforms.

Ex-president Alejandro Toledo, a front-runner in Peru's presidential race, said Jan. 13 that the mining sector must "give back" a portion of rising profits to poor rural areas. In a speech outlining his policy proposals, Toledo called for "co-responsibility" between private companies and the state for social development: "Just as we respect the rules of the game and assure them contracts will be honored, they, the extractive sector, should respect the environment and give back part of their profits in the form of infrastructure and improve the quality of life of townspeople." (Reuters, Jan. 13)

On Jan. 9, members of the Council of Ejidos and Communities Opposed to La Parota Dam (CECOP), representing some 20 communities, reinstalled the blockade they had maintained for nearly five years in the community of Parotillas, to prevent access of the Federal Electrical Commission (CFE) to the land where the dam project is to be built. CECOP demanded that Manuel Añorve Baños, gubernatorial candidate of the coalition Better Times for Guerrero (led by the Institutional Revolutionary Party-PRI), remove his TV spot promoting the dam, charging that it is inciting confrontation and will be responsible for "what may happen." CECOP leader Nemesio Valeriano Moreno said the intent is not to block the passage of all vehicles, but only those of the CFE. He added that the blockade will remain indefinitely. (SIPAZ blog, Jan. 13)

2010 saw the most drug-related deaths in Mexico since President Felipe Calderón launched his offensive against the country's narco-gangs in 2006, by his administration's own figures. Alejandro Poire, technical secretary of Calderón's Security Council, said 15,273 were killed in narco-violence last year—up from 9,616 in 2009 (and 5,376 in 2008). All told, 34,616 have been killed in Mexico's Drug War since 2006, according to the report. The four-year figure includes 30,913 execution-style killings, 3,153 deaths in shootouts, and 546 deaths involving attacks on authorities. Most of the killings took place in the three northern states of Chihuahua, Tamaulipas and Sinaloa. (The Guardian, Cambio de Michoacán, Jan. 13)

Mexican Federal District authorities announced late last month the detainment of David Romo Guillén, leader of the "Traditional Catholic Church" that is also known as Santa Muerte, or "Saint Death." Romo was arrested with eight other members, including his wife Ivón Cortés, on charges of kidnapping and extortion in Mexico City. Prosecutors claim Romo and his accomplices disguised themselves as members of Los Zetas narco-gang to kidnap two elderly people for ransom. All nine were placed under a form of house arrest for 30 days pending investigation.

After seven months in captivity, Mexican politician Diego Fernández de Cevallos was released last month, saying after his reappearance that he was well but giving no indication of who his captors were. During his captivity, his apparent abductors issued three statements, calling themselves "The Mysterious Kidnappers" and later the "Network for Global Transformation," demanding money in exchange for the release of the former senator. A week after his release, on Jan. 1—anniversary of the 1994 uprising by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) in southern Chiapas state—a fourth statement was issued purporting to be from the abductors. Entitled "The ex-Mysterious Kidnappers: The truth comes to light," the communique was signed by "el Guerrero Balam," a "faithful member of the insurgent forces of the EZLN," subordinated to "Subcomandante Marcos and the wise Mayan Zapatistas." The writer said that Fernández de Cevallos is "one of the main enemies of our project," an apparent reference to the EZLN's demand for indigenous autonomy.